‘You’re not a star until they can spell your name in Karachi’ – Humphrey Bogart
Such was the potential of Karachi that world’s top countries sought to emulate the city’s financial planning schemes. South Korea copied the city’s second ‘Five-Year Plan’ and the World Financial Centre in Seoul is designed and modeled after Karachi. Political disturbance and continued negligence to the city’s problems carved the city, as it stands today – moribund.
The diverse issues that engraved the current Karachi are mentioned below:
Karachi is colossal enough to cause complications to any sitting government; it is almost impractical to administer it as one body. With over 24 million inhabitants living over an area of 3 527 (km-square), it is world’s seventh largest city. If the government whole-heartedly wants to solve Karachi’s problems then they need to take a step – big enough to matter. There is no chance that Karachi can be administered as one body. To control it – Karachi needs to be divided into two separate cities.
One of the many dilemmas faced by Karachi is its sewage problem. Karachi that once used to be the ‘City of Lights’ has now turned into a ‘City of Sewage’. Regularly the streets are blocked due to clogged sewage lines, which were laid for the needs of a limited city space, however with the extension of populace, these lines are too congested to bear the burden and are almost unmanageable. The legislature however tackles singular sewerage problems but on weak premise causing the outcome to be defective and impractical. The lines, which are cleared and rehabilitated today, chock again after a couple of days and in this manner, the filthy water is seen standing all over and causes a number of ailments. The same water blends into the drinking water and spoils it as well. Water is an essential surviving factor, although the Government does arrange clean drinking water but it only does for the areas that scores them the most votes in and as a result most of Karachi is deprived of this luxury while the selected parts enjoy it.
To solve this severe dilemma that’s been haunting the less privileged is to divide Karachi into two separate cities. When the two cities will get an opportunity to develop their own sewage plans and provide their respected citizens with clean drinking water and furthermore unequal funding of selected Karachi will vanish. Development of rural areas would furthermore attract more investments – so much so that more housing schemes will come into being, population may even shift to such areas and thus releasing pressure on the sanitation system.
Although only limited towns in Karachi get their fair share of government financial support but two out of these eighteen towns are deprived of even the slightest rights and developments. Kemari although forms the largest coastline at Hawke’s Bay still lacks the infrastructure needed to level itself with the rest of Karachi. On the other hand Gadap has been ignored just the same. Although both of the areas have mighty potential if concentrated and worked on. They can help solve many of Karachi’s severe population problems. The government has never emphasized upon population distribution of Karachi and as a conclusion, slum areas have taken over most of Karachi. The disordered development of small houses spoil the outlook of the city, as well as creating considerably vital socio-economical problems such as pollution, illegal electric connections, water supply, congestion and ever increasing quarrels and related crimes. The authorities have failed to reclaim the locations from these people and then again packs of beggars can be found everywhere in Karachi. Their attitude is the most irritating problem. They are worthless idlers robbing good-natural people. It has become their regular practice to crowd public spots and then cheat people. The adverse effects of begging problem are noticeable in slum areas. They need jobs to provide for their families. The government has failed the idea of ‘Planned Karachi’ and almost no new heavy employment projects have commenced and small projects that are more suitable to Karachi’s financial situation cannot satisfy the bulk of unemployed. Housing towns over housing towns are being constructed in the more popular areas of Karachi without any notice and congestion and traffic is on the rise at alarming levels.
The most suitable solution is if the city is divided and Gadap and Kemari goes to each of the two proposed wings, the rapid development of these towns along with the allocation of such slum stuck population to these areas can not only reshape the cities back to their former beauty but significantly give rise to the labour forces of Gadap and Kemari, increasing their supply and thus decreasing their wage demands and ultimately attracting more investments because of cheap labour and land. It will strike down the current high unemployment rate that circles Karachi’s economical situation and further increase Karachi’s overall financial performance and the problems of congestion and uneven distribution of population will be history.
Some delusional people may even say that traffic suggests rapid development is taking place. They are undoubtedly wrong. What it really means is that your city can no longer support increasing traffic and it’s not functional anymore. The ever-increasing rush of heavy traffic on the roads is not only wasting people’s time but it’s also resulting in loss of human life. One day or the other, people suffer form accidents due to reckless driving trying to find a way through the burdensome traffic. Traffic jams; road quarrels, untidiness and damage of public property are also a result of this problem. The uncontrollable traffic furthermore produces massive clouds of smoke and improper turned cars fill the atmosphere with deadly smoke at hours of rush which adds to the already huge amount of pollution that’s taken Karachi into world’s most polluted cities list. The blowing of pressure horns is always there, deafening the ears. Although the government has tried solving the problem but there are only a limited number of under and overpasses a city can have.
A city as tremendously populated as Karachi, the government needs to take a comparable huge step to control the metropolis. If the city is divided into two and both the wings get the equal share of business, industrial and social activities then it is commonly assumed that the city’s traffic problems can be controlled significantly as the traffic load is divided between the two cities. The two proposed wings will be able to check the pollution levels more efficiently and the need to build expensive and eye soaring bridges and intersections may not be required anymore.
Karachi is also often subjected to terrorist activities. Bomb blasts and firings at public spots are resulting in great loss of human life. The terrorists deserve no less than capital punishment. It is the duty of the police to intensify their investigation to stop such activities. But let’s face the reality that cascades over Karachi that the law forces cannot control such a gigantic population. It’s impossible, no matter how energetic our police department is – they can just not respond to an emergency soon enough. Our police and army departments are undoubtedly the best in the world but we can’t ask them to do something miraculous every now and then, it’s absolutely absurd.
The city has to be divided. If Karachi is divided into two separate cities with their own defense mechanisms and plans, only then they can work to their full potential. The division of army cantonments and police services will surely bring a positive change in the security situation of the city. The government has to be bold enough to make such a decision.
In short we can say that problems of Karachi are innumerable, people are languishing and are aspiring for a savior who could relieve them from these worries. The savior cannot be anything else but a bill dividing Karachi into two separate cities so that no more Sabris have to die because the government was too afraid to take a big enough step.
Here’s a proposed geographical solution to all of Karachi’s problems:
The only possible solution to all the problems mentioned above is to segregate Karachi into two different cities, namely – let’s assume they’re called East and West Karachi. Now dividing a city into two requires commensurate division of population, economical assets, defense, educational and health institutions along with a number of other equally important factors. Here’s what our geographical division of Karachi looks like:
Karachi currently consists of eighteen towns with most of the population centered in and round the towns of Lyari and Saddar.
Commencing with the proposed East Karachi – as we’re calling it – may consist of three of eight union councils of Gadap Town. Namely – Darsanno Channo, Gadap and Murad Memon with a joint population of 150 000 people according to the 1998 census, Murad Memon being one of the wealthiest and most literate neighborhoods of Gadap Town. The remaining five union councils may be a part of West Karachi. There are over 400 villages in Gadap Town and according to The News International, 357 of these villages are deprived of electricity. Dividing the town between the two proposed cities will enhance their development. The concentrated Malir Town with 600 000 inhabitants (1998 census) may become the second sector of East Karachi that will compute well-planned residential areas and further grant a border with Jinnah International Airport, which is at a distance of almost two miles from Model Colony – one of the neighborhoods of Malir Town. The next important town to join East Karachi may be Muhammad Bin Qasim Town (300 000 population – 1998 census) that is critically a decisive industrial town with over 25 000 acres allocated to industries with the prominent Pakistan Steel Mills situated here that can be a vital source to avowal financial booms in the city. The Port Bin Qasim – part of the town can afford the inhabitants with a considerable platform for business perks and opportunities. The port, when administered properly can become one of the major ports of Asia, remodeling the current financial situation of not only Karachi but Pakistan as well. The town will produce thousands of jobs when developed to its full extent and will directly tackle Karachi’s unemployment crisis.
Jamshed Town with over 730 000 inhabitants is the most populated town of present day Karachi with it’s busiest markets and a number of urban attractions can become a part of East Karachi as well. It can provide the city with the appropriate spending fabric and also produce further thousands of jobs. Aga Khan University and hospital are also located here with many other renowned educational instituitions.
To celebrate the colonial-era Karachi – Saddar may become a part of East Karachi with its delegate and alluring architectural masterpieces and strong textile industries, which will surely associate the new East Karachi to it’s cultural background and also keeping in mind the financial needs of the fresh city. Shah Faisal Town and Landhi Town may also become part of East Karachi, the latter facilitating the city with enormous sum of industrial units with an area over 12 000 acres. The towns will provide the city with enough labour force to generate high incomes.
Three cantonments – namely Karachi, Korangi Creek, a Clifton may be added to the city to provide it with detailed security and convenient transport and residential areas. Clifton being the most developed and desirable residential and commercial area with over 330 000 inhabitants is home to Karachi’s elite class.
Shifting to West Karachi now, the proposed city like East Karachi will be provided with every essential moreover exceptional plans to brighten the current situation that cascades over current day Karachi. East Karachi will consist of the remaining five Union Councils – Songal, Manghopir, Gujjro, Yusuf Goth and Maymarabad. Adding Kemari Town that includes Pakistan’s busiest Port of Karachi will provide the city with husky financial prosperity equally benefiting the locals as well as the people of the whole country if the port is administered properly to it’s full use. 430 acres of industrial land will attract investments on national and international levels and the area has high potential of successfully attracting investments because of the port. Most of Kemari and Gadap Town consist of villages, developing the areas and allocating the slum struck unprivileged to these areas will solve the conjunction as well as many other problems related to population growth as mentioned before in this article. Another town called SITE Town which has grown into the largest industrial area of current Karachi with over 2000 industrial units and 4500 acres of land allocated for industries can provide the city with gigantic employment opportunities furthermore escalating the financial bars to new heights. Baldia and Orangi Towns will provide the city with extended number of prepared residential areas that can be further improved as the city government can properly concentrate on their local problems.
Lyari being the oldest town of Karachi will help the new city to hold on to its cultural ties. The new city will also have the time and means to look into the severe terror dilemmas surrounding the deprived town and the city government with less on their plates will look into these problems more efficiently. Adding North Nazimabad and Liaquatabad will equip West Karachi with a sufficient count of standard hospitals and clinics as well as incredibly adding to the number of upper class educational instituitions. The two towns have the highest literacy rate moreover a comparatively low crime rate; they can provide the city with satisfactory skilled labor and administrators, which undoubtedly is Karachi’s substantial problem.
With the addition of Gulshan Town, West Karachi will have proper office buildings to house its officials and the town furthermore includes Karachi’s largest parks and some prestigious educational centers. Addition of New Karachi Town – a crucial industrial hub with over 800 acres of industrial area and over 690 000 people living there according to 1998 census will fulfill the city’s labour demand and at the same time providing huge industrial opportunities to the locals.
The inclusion of three major cantonments – namely Faisal, Manora and Malir will provide the much needed security and the division will surely make them more efficient. With Faisal Cantonment bordering Jinnah International Airport, the city will get direct access to the airport.
When the resources and funds are divided equally divided between East and West Karachi, the act of unequal spending of resources among the towns of Karachi will be eliminated. One town will not get all the resources meant for all of Karachi and every person will get their share whether they live in Gadap or DHA.
Person of the Decade – Raheel Sharif
Bisouv, in its first public issue, salutes the many achievements of the former Chief of Army Staff Raheel Sharif.
Through storms of political biases, domestic and foreign insurgencies, and financial and social emergencies, Pakistan has emerged – every time a little stronger. And the people responsible for putting the country in these desperate of situations are plenty and the people responsible for taking the country out of them are, but a few. Bisouv, in its first ever public issue, salutes the latter and in this article, celebrates one of the few – Raheel Sharif.
Currently serving as the first Commander-in-Chief of the Islamic Military Counter Terrorism Coalition, a 39-nation alliance of Muslim countries headquartered in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Raheel Sharif, a former four-star general and Chief of Army Staff (COAS) is arguably the most popular COAS in Pakistan’s history. Born in a country, in which to this day all shots are called, directly or in a de-facto martial law-style, by the military, Raheel Sharif was different – a general who ‘could,’ but never did.
MORE FROM THIS WEEK’S ISSUE: Blinding Justice and a Case of Uniforms
Under his command, the Pakistan Army carried out fierce anti-terrorism operations in North Waziristan in the Operation Zarb-e-Azb, which not only stabilized the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA,) but built the foundation for the government of Pakistan to merge the deprived province into Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (KP.) Sharif was responsible for expanding the role of paramilitaries, mainly Pakistan Rangers, in the coastal city of Karachi – a move that saw an exceptional decrease in the crime rate in the city and later pulled out the city’s name out of the ‘Most Dangerous Cities in the World’ list. Unlike his predecessors, Sharif wholeheartedly supported the democratically elected government in the deprived, and the largest province of Pakistan, Balochistan and buried the hatred that former dictator Musharraf first initiated in 2006. At the request of the Chinese government and after the Pakistan government’s approval, Sharif created a new brigade-level military unit to help protect and secure the many projects under the Pakistan-China Economic Corridor (CPEC.) Sharif also helped develop Pakistan’s indigenous defence industry, which resulted in the savings of more than $1.14 billion, over a year and half time period
In other feats, under Raheel Sharif, the Pakistan Army operated strictly under its constituted jurisdiction and left foreign, social, and economic policies to the democratically elected civilian government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. Under his tenure, Pakistan Army carried out first ever joint military exercises with Russia and supported the government deepen relations with China.
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Reportedy, Sharif also thwarted a coup attempt in 2014. As disclosed by former United States ambassador to Pakistan Richard Olsen, former head of Pakistan Intelligence Service ISI Zahir-ul-Islam was mobilizing for a coup in September of 2014 during Imran Khan’s infamous Islamabad protest that lasted for months.
“We received information that Zahir-ul-Islam, the DG ISI, was mobilizing for a coup in September of 2014 [during Khan’s protest in Islamabad.] [Army Chief] Raheel [Sharif] blocked it by, in effect, removing Zahir, by announcing his successor,” Olson was quoted in the recently launched book ‘The Battle For Pakistan, The Bitter US Friendship and a Tough Neighborhood’ by Shuja Nawaz in its chapter titling, Mil-to-Mil Relations: Do More. “[Zahir] was talking to the corps commanders and was talking to likeminded army officers… He was prepared to do it and had the chief [Raheel Sharif] been willing, even tacitly, it would have happened. But the chief was not willing, so it didn’t happen.”
Blinding Justice and a Case of Uniforms
Former dictator and president Pervez Musharraf has been sentenced to death by a special court in a high-treason case. What does it mean for Pakistan and its institutions?
‘Former Dictator Pervez Musharraf has been sentenced to death,’ read the English newspaper in bold against white, folded cleanly, and displayed on one of many wooden stands that housed every publication from Urdu masalas to the high-end European fashion magazines, ‘The time for democracy is now,’ read another. The Musharraf High-Treason Verdict had taken the country by a storm, so much so, it had everyone talking – some had been left appalled by the traitorous decision to hang the former Chief of Army Staff and President and some welcomed it with open arms, all in all, the public response was mixed, but for the first time in the country’s history, the powerful armed forces were being discussed and this time behind no curtains.
General Pervez Musharraf had been handed down a death sentence by a special court, in absentia, in a high-treason case that took six years to complete. The special court, in its detailed judgment that it published days later, directed law enforcements of the country to apprehend Musharraf, who is currently receiving medical treatment in the United Arab Emirates, to ensure the death sentence is carried out and if the convicted is found dead beforehand, “his corpse be dragged to D-Chowk [in front of the Parliament House,] Islamabad, Pakistan, and be hanged for three days.”
The decision was first of its kind for Pakistan, a country more or less ruled, rather dictated, by the military for most of its history. “It’s almost unbelievable that a former dictator has been sentenced to death in a country where the military enjoy absolute immunity legally, financially, and socially,” commented one Mustafa reading the partially banned newspaper DAWN. “If anything, I am hopeful for the future of the country.” But not everyone shares Mustafa’s sentiments especially the military and the serving government.
The army’s public relations reacted angrily to Musharraf’s verdict, saying in a statement that someone who served the country for over 40 years, fought battles, and made sacrifices in the defense of the country “can surely never be a traitor.” DG ISPR General Asif Ghafoor went on to state that the verdict “[has] been received with a lot of pain and anguish by rank and file of Pakistan Armed Forces,” and noting the military expects justice will be dispensed in line with the constitution saying, “The due legal process seems to have been ignored.”
The serving government under the populist leader Imran Khan has also been critical of the court’s decision. Farogh Naseem, former Minister of Law, went on to say that the government is the process of filing a reference against Judge Waqar Ahmed Seth, one of the three judges responsible for handing Musharraf the death sentence, under Article 209 of the constitution in the Supreme Judicial Council for the inhumane comments that came with the detailed verdict. Imran Khan’s party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI,) however, wasn’t always in support of Musharraf, so much so, Khan had lambasted the former dictator in a number of public rallies and gatherings before coming into power. In a recorded interview with Hamid Mir, one of Pakistan’s top journalists and anchors, Khan can be heard saying that Musharraf should be hanged for breaking the constitution not once, but twice. “Khan had a change of heart,” commented a legal mind on the condition of anonymity. “The only reason the man is the prime minister of Pakistan is because of the backstage handshake his party has cemented with the military. How else could someone like Khan come into power after only five or six years of political rallies?”
READ MORE: Mr Khan, keep your Naya Pakistan to yourself
All-in-all, the death sentence handed to Musharraf is unlikely to be carried out right away as he is currently not in the country and has no plans of coming back anytime soon to face the death sentence. Despite that, independent Pakistani analysts believe that for Pakistan, as a whole, the verdict is a good and concrete step towards a true democracy. “The Pakistan Army and its associated parties have been ruling the country directly and indirectly,” commented another legal mind on the same condition of anonymity. “The verdict has shaken the very foundation of this so called “democracy” and has the generals as well as the government running. This is surely a victory for the sane ones. No wonder the verdict has taken the country by a storm.” To some extent, it’s an open secret that the country’s powerful military has been calling the shots ever since Ayub Khan imposed the first ever martial law that the country saw and to this day, the military has never as much as flinched before branding the critical politicians and journalists as ‘traitors’ and ‘foreign agents’ working for either India’s RAW or Israel’s Mossad.
The public response to the verdict was mixed, it rather pleased the general population than anger them, as is Musharraf’s reputation in Pakistan with one section of the population hailing him as a hero who saved Pakistan from its most desperate of times and corrupt politicians while others look down on him as a traitor who sold, maimed, and killed his own people to please the West in order to solidify his position. It wouldn’t be wrong to say that after former dictator Zia-ul-Haq, Musharraf is the most hated leader in Pakistan and he has richly deserved the title: from the murder of former Governor and Chief Minister of Balochistan Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti in 2006 to his short-sighted diplomacy and politics, which pushed Pakistan into the whole Afghan quagmire resulting in the loss of thousands of lives, billions of dollars, and a broken international image that deprived Pakistan of tourism, international sports, business, and commerce.
The verdict has also developed major differences between the two most powerful institutions of the country: the military and the judiciary. The matter of the extension of General Javed Bajwa, serving Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan, was the first blow the judiciary had handed the military in Khan’s time ordering the government to ask the approval of the Parliament in order to get a three year extension in Bajwa’s tenure. In the past, as well, the judiciary and the military have been doubtful of each other – Musharraf himself was forced to resign as president following his dismissal of the then-Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudry.
Whatever may happen in the near future, the verdict has clearly suggested, rather shown, that no one is above the law in Pakistan – anyone, including General Pervez Musharraf, once one of the most powerful men in the world.
Remembering Pakistan’s first foreign agent Fatima Jinnah
“They call her the Mother of the Nation,” sniffed Ayub. “Then she should at least behave like a mother.” For Ayub, well-behaved women didn’t make history.
Soon after Liaquat Ali Khan’s assassination and Pakistan’s plunging into absolute political and economical abyss, The Mother of the Nation Fatima Jinnah decided to retreat to her Flagstaff House in Karachi. Her hair textured shades of grey and her eyes a little more tired than usual, Miss Fatima had fallen silent for a moment. With the memory of her dear brother fresh in her mind, she found herself aghast over the wreck they had made of her brother’s Pakistan, but the silence endured.
The silence endured Iskander Mirza’s mocking of the constitution, the silence endured the fading of the once-great Muslim League, the silence endured when the country entered its first martial law, and the silence endured the mistreatment of the East by the West. Miss Fatima was, in fact, one of the fiercest critics of the government’s neglect towards East Pakistan, so much so, when her good conscious couldn’t allow it anymore, she broke the silence.
READ MORE: Mr Khan, keep your Naya Pakistan to yourself
“The Big Stick” The Times called her as white-haired Miss Jinnah, 71, the candidate of five usually disunited opposition parties, entered the arena facing the powerful dictator Ayub Khan. Thousands over thousands chanted Jinnah’s name once again as Miss Fatima’s razor-tongued attacks on Ayub’s illegitimate reign left the authorities in utter shock. The eastern city of Dhaka cried END TO DICTATORSHIP as students enthusiastically proclaimed Miss Jinnah Week and in Karachi, Pakistan’s largest city, unrest forced the government to close all the schools indefinitely. Miss Jinnah’s sentiments saw the legal community come into one as well and when they did, they were quickly denounced by Ayub as “mischief-mongers.” In reply, the Karachi Bar Association overwhelmingly adopted a resolution urging “the party in power to get rid of the notion that wisdom, righteousness and patriotism are the monopoly of their yes men.” The media, for once, also refused to follow the dictator’s orders and the usually complaisant newspapers editors defied the regime’s attempts to make them endorse a restrictive new press law. Ayub soon started regretting ever calling the elections in the first place and on the other hand, Miss Jinnah was never stronger. It is often said, and advised, never to tackle a tiger into a corner for when the tiger stings, and it will, the hunter becomes the hunted. And Pakistan had found her tiger in Miss Jinnah.
In no time, Miss Jinnah had Ayub running scared for after six years of insisting that Pakistanis were not ready for democracy, Miss Jinnah’s fierce campaign had only shown Ayub that he was the only one not ready for it. Miss Jinnah had managed to focus every form of discontent in the country and political gurus predicted the election was hers. To brake her bandwagon, Ayub abruptly decreed that elections would be held January 2, instead of March, as originally scheduled. Explaining lamely that the situation is “a little tense,” the government also rescinded a law specifying that political rallies must be open to the public. And when it didn’t work, Ayub, as uniformed cowards do, set out to portray Miss Jinnah as pro-Indian and pro-Pakhtoonistan. Dozens of columnists were paid to paint Miss Jinnah in colors of blue and saffron. In one pamphlet, Miss Jinnah was accused of conspiring against Pakistan alongside Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan by trying to establish Pakhtoonistan and in another episode, full page government ads claimed “Miss Fatima Jinnah was greeted in Peshawar with the slogans of ‘Pukhtoonistan Zindabad.’”
At closed meetings with groups of electors, Ayub answered practical questions sensibly enough, but kept lashing out at the opposition with growing anger. “They call her the Mother of the Nation,” sniffed Ayub. “Then she should at least behave like a mother.” For Ayub, well-behaved women didn’t make history.
Despite the usual dirty tricks, Miss Jinnah marched on. To Ayub’s claim that he was trying to develop “basic democracy,” Miss Jinnah replied: “What sort of democracy is that? One man’s democracy? Fifty persons’ democracy?” As for Ayub’s charge that the country would revert to chaos if he was defeated, his rival snapped: “You can’t have stability through compulsion, force and the big stick.”
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The stage was set. It was the great Miss Jinnah against a field marshal who had never won a war, a president who was never elected, and an army chief only because his superiors had died in an air crash. Not in a thousand years could Ayub overtake Miss Jinnah but he did, anyway. Miss Jinnah lost the election amid allegations of mass rigging. Her only mistake was that she endured in silence.
And so did Pakistan. First, by perpetuating military rule, its democracy suffered. Ayub had given the armed forces a right, so much so, a privilege to rule the country. The army began to think that it was their duty and responsibility to take over the country whenever they thought right. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, a prominent figure in Ayub’s government, was only the first politician used and thrown away by the army.
East Pakistan, which gave Miss Jinnah a spectacular welcome and where Miss Jinnah secured an astounding victory in the polls would be condemned to the most brutal blood and gore just seven years later, tearing the country in two. Bengalis had dominated Miss Jinnah’s electoral alliance. It is now left for us to wonder what could have been, had they been given their say. And let’s not forget that East Pakistan’s situation was much like KPK’s today: Bengali rights groups were only ever addressed with a stick and abuses, their rallies were censored, their foreheads carved with the words ‘traitor,’ and their houses searched and ripped apart in the dark of the night.
In Karachi, where the Urdu-speaking community came out for Miss Jinnah in droves and where, like East Pakistan, Miss Jinnah had swept the city, the voters were rewarded by a ‘victory parade’ led by Ayub’s goons. They were beaten red and blue, their houses raided, and their places of work destroyed and sealed. Karachi soon erupted in ethnic rioting that saw over thirty dead. It would be the first of many.
The aftershocks of Miss Jinnah’s rigged defeat against the tyrant Ayub are still felt to this day. Pakistan and her people have suffered greatly because of one man’s greed but all hope is not lost. By not forgetting Miss Fatima’s struggle against dictator Ayub and by revisiting Miss Jinnah’s fierce campaign against him, we, as a nation, can learn from our mistakes and flourish.
A dictatorship, a puppet government, or a selected one can never be healthy for a young nation’s growth.
About the writer: Shahzaib Awan currently heads the Bisouv Publications and House of Entremuse Media Group. He’s an ex-Aitchisonian and is currently studying Computer Science at Jacobs University, Germany.
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