Bisouv, in association with House of Entremuse, processed 121 HEC recognized Pakistani universities that meet the following selection criteria:
- Being accredited, licensed and/or chartered by the Higher Education Commission of Pakistan.
- Offering at least three-year undergraduate degrees and/or postgraduate degrees.
- Delivering courses predominantly in a traditional face-to-face, non-distance education format.
Bisouv’s Top 10 Universities Rankings aim is to provide a non-academic League Table of the top 10 universities in Pakistan on unbiased and valid web metrics.
MORE FROM THIS ISSUE: Blinding Justice and a Case of Uniforms
10 – Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad
BISOUV SCORE: 42
Founded as University of Islamabad in 1967, it was initially dedicated to the study of postgraduate education, but expanded through the reign of former dictator Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq to an interdisciplinary university offering undergraduate and postgraduate degrees.
Qauid-i-Azam University (QAU) has become the the largest varsity in the capital city Islamabad with a total enrollment exceeding 13 000 students (2015 data.) The beautiful 1700 acres campus is situated on the foothills of Margalla Hills and is one of Pakistan’s largest public universities.
The University is divided into four faculties and nine affiliated research institutes.
QAU is one of Pakistan’s highest rated universities. It has been consistently ranked among the top 700 varsities in the world by the QS World University Rankings while local publications ranked QAU among the top 120 universities in Asia in 2013. Times Higher Education World University Rankings ranked QAU between 501-600 globally and among the top 120 in Asia in 2014.
9 – Bahria University, Islamabad
BISOUV SCORE: 46
Established by the Pakistan Navy in 2000, Bahria University (BU) is a semi-government university situated in the heart of Islamabad. It offers degrees in undergraduate, postgraduate, and doctoral studies. BU’s research programs are directed towards the development of engineering, philosophy, natural sciences, social sciences, and medical sciences. Majors include Maritime Studies, Psychology, Earth and Environmental Sciences, Law (British,) Social Sciences, Management Sciences, Computer Sciences, Engineering Sciences, and Health Sciences.
The university is one of the top institution of higher learning in the country and secured 23rd in among country’s top thirty and most notable universities in General category by the HEC in 2016. The University is a member of Association of Commonwealth Universities of the United Kingdom.
8 – University of Agriculture, Faisalabad
BISOUV SCORE: 58
Founded as Punjab Agricultural College and Research Institute in 1906, it was the first major educational institution in undivided Punjab after Aitchison College, Lahore.
It was ranked fourth in the general category and first in the agriculture and veterinary sciences category by HEC in 2016. Internationally, it was ranked among the top 800 universities by QS World University Ranking in 2015.
Its high employability rate has made this institution highly reputable. The university also came among top 5 institutions of Pakistan in research power.
7 – Air University, Islamabad
BISOUV SCORE: 59
Established by the Pakistan Air Force in 2002, Air University is a semi-government university under Pakistan Air Force’s education command. It offers undergraduate, postgraduate, and doctoral studies and places great emphasis on engineering, business management, and social sciences. The university inaugurated its medical school in 2016.
Air University is ranked among Pakistan’s top ten engineering and technology universities by the HEC. It is affiliated with Pakistan Engineering Council as well. The university is a member of the Association of Commonwealth Universities of the United Kingdom.
6 – Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute of Engineering Sciences and Technology, Topi
BISOUV SCORE: 60
Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute of Engineering Sciences and Technology (GIK) is a private university in Topi, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. GIK 400-acre campus has eight academic faculties focused mainly on sciences and engineering.
Founded by former President Ghulam Ishaq Khan in 1993, the university attracted great minds like Abdul Qadeer Khan, Shaukat Hameed Khan, and Asghar Qadir all of whom played a vital role in transforming the newly established university into one of Asia’s finest.
HEC ranks GIK among the top universities in Pakistan.
It’s worth mentioning that the university has a famous but healthy longstanding competition going on with the Pakistan Institute of Engineering and Applies Sciences (PIEAS) ever since it was established.
5 – University of the Punjab, Lahore
BISOUV SCORE: 61
University of the Punjab is the oldest public university in Pakistan. It was only the fourth university to be established under the British Raj in the Indian subcontinent; the first three universities were established in other parts of British India.
University of the Punjab is one of the largest varsities in Pakistan with over 30 000 students (2016 data.) It has a total of 13 faculties within which there are 63 academic departments, research centers, and institutes. There are two Novel Laureates among the university’s alumni and former staff.
HEC ranked University of the Punjab first among large-sized multiple faculty universities in 2012. It was also ranked among top 800 world universities by QS World University Rankings in 2015.
MORE FROM THIS ISSUE: Once a city of gardens, Lahore is now a concrete jungle
4 – CMH Lahore Medical and Dental College, Lahore
BISOUV SCORE: 65
CMH Lahore Medical College and Institute of Dentistry (CMH) was inaugurated by the former dictator General Pervez Musharraf in 2006.
The college is affiliated with National University of Medical Sciences (NUMS) and is recognized by the Pakistan Medical and Dental Council. CMH is also included in AVICENNA Directory for medicine and International Medical Education Directory of FAIMER and ECFMG.
The college is under the administration of Pakistan Army.
Facilities include CMH Hospital, a 1000-bed Class A Hospital under the Pakistan Army, Army Cardiac Center, and Institute of Dentistry (IOD) Dental Clinics for General Public.
=3 – Institute of Business Administration, Karachi
BISOUV SCORE: 69
Institute of Business Administration (IBA) was established as a business school by the government of Pakistan in 1955 with the help of USAID, Wharton School, and the University of Southern California. Many prominent American professors worked to develop the curriculum of the newly established school. In 1982, it became the first Pakistani institute to offer a four-year liberal arts undergraduate degree. In 2003, IBA was expanded from a purely graduate business school to an interdisciplinary university offering undergraduate, graduate, and postgraduate degrees.
With a 75 000 sq. ft campus and student body of over 6 000, IBA is highly ranked by local and international educationalists. It is one of Pakistan’s most selective and highest ranked business school. It has collaborations with 15 institutions worldwide including Northwestern University, S.P. Jain Institute, Indian School of Business, and Babson College. IBA is also only one of two business schools in Pakistan to be certified by the South Asian Quality Assurance System
Its alumni include the incumbent President of Pakistan Mamnoon Hussain, former Prime Minister of Pakistan Shaukat Aziz, renowned economist Muhammad Uzair, former MNA Asad Umar, and business leader Quentin D’Silva.
=3 – Lahore University of Management Sciences, Lahore
BISOUV SCORE: 69
Founded by the patronage of the business-industrial community spearheaded by Syed Aarim in 1984, Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) is one of the top universities in Asia. It was established as a graduate business school after taking in consideration special advice from Harvard Business School and a $10 million grant from USAID. It launched a liberal arts undergraduate school in 1994, a law (British law) school in 2004, an engineering school in 2008, and an education school in 2017.
LUMS has a 100 acres campus, a student body of over 4 000, and a faculty of 248 (three quarters of whom have doctoral degree(s).) Its business school is accredited by AACSB. It is only one of two business schools in Pakistan to be certified by the South Asian Quality Assurance System and is ranked as one of the top business schools in the country. The university is also a member of Association of Commonwealth Universities.
LUMS is ranked as the top varsity in Pakistan in the QS University Rankings for the year 2016, 111th in Asia, and among the top 700 in the world. It is also ranked by QS University Rankings as among the top 300 universities globally in business studies and among the top 400 universities globally in mathematics. Following a liberal arts curriculum, LUMS is one of Pakistan’s most expensive, selective, and progressive universities. LUMS counts several prominent Pakistani intellectuals and public figures among its alumni and current and former faculty including Umar Saif, Hina Rabbani Khar, Adil Najam, Arif Zaman, Amer Iqbal, Ayesha Jalal, Asad Abidi, Osama Siddique, and Pervez Hoodbhoy.
2 – National University of Sciences and Technology, Islamabad
BISOUV SCORE: 70
NUST was established in 1991 by merging military and civil educational resources. After its development, existing military schools and colleges became constituent colleges of NUST. The first college to be affiliated with NUST was MCS in 1991. In 1993, the university was granted a charter and CEME and MCE became part of the university. In December 1994 and November 1995, CAE and PNEC became constituents of NUST respectively.
As of 2016, NUST has over 15,000 full-time students enrolled and over 20 departments with over 1,280 academic faculty staff.
It is ranked by QS World Rankings as among the leading 50 universities under the age of 50, and is ranked by QS World Rankings among top 500 universities in the world. It is also ranked by QS World Rankings among top 300 in the world in Electring Engineering. The Times Higher Education Rankings ranks NUST among the top 100 universities from Emerging Economies, among top 120 in Asia, and among top 250 globally in the field of Electric Engineering. In 2016, it was ranked among the next 50 leading young universities globally by Times.
NUST is a member of Association of Commonwealth Universities, United Nations Academic Impact, and Talloires Network.
1 – Aga Khan University, Karachi
BISOUV SCORE: 72
Founded in 1983 by the Prince Aga Khan IV through the Aga Khan Development Network, Aga Khan University (AKU) is Pakistan’s top university in Bisouv’s opinion.
The university’s 65-acre campus includes a medical college and a teaching hospital. The university established the Institute for Educational Development of Pakistan in 1993, a teaching hospital in Nairobi, Kenya, in 2004, and a teaching hospital in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in 2016. The university also established a campus in London dedicated to the study of Near East in 2004 and launched an examination board in 2003.
In 2015, the university established the Institute for Human Development funded by the CIDA and in 2016, the university launched Graduate School of Media and Communications and East African Institute. The university’s clinical laboratories in Karachi are the only in Pakistan to be accredited by the College of American Pathologists.
The university’s campus in Karachi is ranked among the top 185 universities in Asia and among the top 300 in the world in medicine by Quacquarelli Symonds. HEC ranks the university as the top medical school in Pakistan.
The university also runs of the world’s largest networks of Joint Commission accredited teaching hospitals with 14 hospitals in Pakistan, East Africa, and Afghanistan. In 2016, these hospitals treated over 1.75 million patients.
MORE FROM THIS ISSUE: Person of the Decade – Raheel Sharif
Person of the Decade – Raheel Sharif
Bisouv, in its first public issue, salutes the many achievements of the former Chief of Army Staff Raheel Sharif.
Through storms of political biases, domestic and foreign insurgencies, and financial and social emergencies, Pakistan has emerged – every time a little stronger. And the people responsible for putting the country in these desperate of situations are plenty and the people responsible for taking the country out of them are, but a few. Bisouv, in its first ever public issue, salutes the latter and in this article, celebrates one of the few – Raheel Sharif.
Currently serving as the first Commander-in-Chief of the Islamic Military Counter Terrorism Coalition, a 39-nation alliance of Muslim countries headquartered in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Raheel Sharif, a former four-star general and Chief of Army Staff (COAS) is arguably the most popular COAS in Pakistan’s history. Born in a country, in which to this day all shots are called, directly or in a de-facto martial law-style, by the military, Raheel Sharif was different – a general who ‘could,’ but never did.
MORE FROM THIS WEEK’S ISSUE: Blinding Justice and a Case of Uniforms
Under his command, the Pakistan Army carried out fierce anti-terrorism operations in North Waziristan in the Operation Zarb-e-Azb, which not only stabilized the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA,) but built the foundation for the government of Pakistan to merge the deprived province into Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (KP.) Sharif was responsible for expanding the role of paramilitaries, mainly Pakistan Rangers, in the coastal city of Karachi – a move that saw an exceptional decrease in the crime rate in the city and later pulled out the city’s name out of the ‘Most Dangerous Cities in the World’ list. Unlike his predecessors, Sharif wholeheartedly supported the democratically elected government in the deprived, and the largest province of Pakistan, Balochistan and buried the hatred that former dictator Musharraf first initiated in 2006. At the request of the Chinese government and after the Pakistan government’s approval, Sharif created a new brigade-level military unit to help protect and secure the many projects under the Pakistan-China Economic Corridor (CPEC.) Sharif also helped develop Pakistan’s indigenous defence industry, which resulted in the savings of more than $1.14 billion, over a year and half time period
In other feats, under Raheel Sharif, the Pakistan Army operated strictly under its constituted jurisdiction and left foreign, social, and economic policies to the democratically elected civilian government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. Under his tenure, Pakistan Army carried out first ever joint military exercises with Russia and supported the government deepen relations with China.
MORE FROM THIS ISSUE: Once a city of gardens, Lahore is now a concrete jungle
Reportedy, Sharif also thwarted a coup attempt in 2014. As disclosed by former United States ambassador to Pakistan Richard Olsen, former head of Pakistan Intelligence Service ISI Zahir-ul-Islam was mobilizing for a coup in September of 2014 during Imran Khan’s infamous Islamabad protest that lasted for months.
“We received information that Zahir-ul-Islam, the DG ISI, was mobilizing for a coup in September of 2014 [during Khan’s protest in Islamabad.] [Army Chief] Raheel [Sharif] blocked it by, in effect, removing Zahir, by announcing his successor,” Olson was quoted in the recently launched book ‘The Battle For Pakistan, The Bitter US Friendship and a Tough Neighborhood’ by Shuja Nawaz in its chapter titling, Mil-to-Mil Relations: Do More. “[Zahir] was talking to the corps commanders and was talking to likeminded army officers… He was prepared to do it and had the chief [Raheel Sharif] been willing, even tacitly, it would have happened. But the chief was not willing, so it didn’t happen.”
Blinding Justice and a Case of Uniforms
Former dictator and president Pervez Musharraf has been sentenced to death by a special court in a high-treason case. What does it mean for Pakistan and its institutions?
‘Former Dictator Pervez Musharraf has been sentenced to death,’ read the English newspaper in bold against white, folded cleanly, and displayed on one of many wooden stands that housed every publication from Urdu masalas to the high-end European fashion magazines, ‘The time for democracy is now,’ read another. The Musharraf High-Treason Verdict had taken the country by a storm, so much so, it had everyone talking – some had been left appalled by the traitorous decision to hang the former Chief of Army Staff and President and some welcomed it with open arms, all in all, the public response was mixed, but for the first time in the country’s history, the powerful armed forces were being discussed and this time behind no curtains.
General Pervez Musharraf had been handed down a death sentence by a special court, in absentia, in a high-treason case that took six years to complete. The special court, in its detailed judgment that it published days later, directed law enforcements of the country to apprehend Musharraf, who is currently receiving medical treatment in the United Arab Emirates, to ensure the death sentence is carried out and if the convicted is found dead beforehand, “his corpse be dragged to D-Chowk [in front of the Parliament House,] Islamabad, Pakistan, and be hanged for three days.”
The decision was first of its kind for Pakistan, a country more or less ruled, rather dictated, by the military for most of its history. “It’s almost unbelievable that a former dictator has been sentenced to death in a country where the military enjoy absolute immunity legally, financially, and socially,” commented one Mustafa reading the partially banned newspaper DAWN. “If anything, I am hopeful for the future of the country.” But not everyone shares Mustafa’s sentiments especially the military and the serving government.
The army’s public relations reacted angrily to Musharraf’s verdict, saying in a statement that someone who served the country for over 40 years, fought battles, and made sacrifices in the defense of the country “can surely never be a traitor.” DG ISPR General Asif Ghafoor went on to state that the verdict “[has] been received with a lot of pain and anguish by rank and file of Pakistan Armed Forces,” and noting the military expects justice will be dispensed in line with the constitution saying, “The due legal process seems to have been ignored.”
The serving government under the populist leader Imran Khan has also been critical of the court’s decision. Farogh Naseem, former Minister of Law, went on to say that the government is the process of filing a reference against Judge Waqar Ahmed Seth, one of the three judges responsible for handing Musharraf the death sentence, under Article 209 of the constitution in the Supreme Judicial Council for the inhumane comments that came with the detailed verdict. Imran Khan’s party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI,) however, wasn’t always in support of Musharraf, so much so, Khan had lambasted the former dictator in a number of public rallies and gatherings before coming into power. In a recorded interview with Hamid Mir, one of Pakistan’s top journalists and anchors, Khan can be heard saying that Musharraf should be hanged for breaking the constitution not once, but twice. “Khan had a change of heart,” commented a legal mind on the condition of anonymity. “The only reason the man is the prime minister of Pakistan is because of the backstage handshake his party has cemented with the military. How else could someone like Khan come into power after only five or six years of political rallies?”
READ MORE: Mr Khan, keep your Naya Pakistan to yourself
All-in-all, the death sentence handed to Musharraf is unlikely to be carried out right away as he is currently not in the country and has no plans of coming back anytime soon to face the death sentence. Despite that, independent Pakistani analysts believe that for Pakistan, as a whole, the verdict is a good and concrete step towards a true democracy. “The Pakistan Army and its associated parties have been ruling the country directly and indirectly,” commented another legal mind on the same condition of anonymity. “The verdict has shaken the very foundation of this so called “democracy” and has the generals as well as the government running. This is surely a victory for the sane ones. No wonder the verdict has taken the country by a storm.” To some extent, it’s an open secret that the country’s powerful military has been calling the shots ever since Ayub Khan imposed the first ever martial law that the country saw and to this day, the military has never as much as flinched before branding the critical politicians and journalists as ‘traitors’ and ‘foreign agents’ working for either India’s RAW or Israel’s Mossad.
The public response to the verdict was mixed, it rather pleased the general population than anger them, as is Musharraf’s reputation in Pakistan with one section of the population hailing him as a hero who saved Pakistan from its most desperate of times and corrupt politicians while others look down on him as a traitor who sold, maimed, and killed his own people to please the West in order to solidify his position. It wouldn’t be wrong to say that after former dictator Zia-ul-Haq, Musharraf is the most hated leader in Pakistan and he has richly deserved the title: from the murder of former Governor and Chief Minister of Balochistan Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti in 2006 to his short-sighted diplomacy and politics, which pushed Pakistan into the whole Afghan quagmire resulting in the loss of thousands of lives, billions of dollars, and a broken international image that deprived Pakistan of tourism, international sports, business, and commerce.
The verdict has also developed major differences between the two most powerful institutions of the country: the military and the judiciary. The matter of the extension of General Javed Bajwa, serving Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan, was the first blow the judiciary had handed the military in Khan’s time ordering the government to ask the approval of the Parliament in order to get a three year extension in Bajwa’s tenure. In the past, as well, the judiciary and the military have been doubtful of each other – Musharraf himself was forced to resign as president following his dismissal of the then-Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudry.
Whatever may happen in the near future, the verdict has clearly suggested, rather shown, that no one is above the law in Pakistan – anyone, including General Pervez Musharraf, once one of the most powerful men in the world.
Remembering Pakistan’s first foreign agent Fatima Jinnah
“They call her the Mother of the Nation,” sniffed Ayub. “Then she should at least behave like a mother.” For Ayub, well-behaved women didn’t make history.
Soon after Liaquat Ali Khan’s assassination and Pakistan’s plunging into absolute political and economical abyss, The Mother of the Nation Fatima Jinnah decided to retreat to her Flagstaff House in Karachi. Her hair textured shades of grey and her eyes a little more tired than usual, Miss Fatima had fallen silent for a moment. With the memory of her dear brother fresh in her mind, she found herself aghast over the wreck they had made of her brother’s Pakistan, but the silence endured.
The silence endured Iskander Mirza’s mocking of the constitution, the silence endured the fading of the once-great Muslim League, the silence endured when the country entered its first martial law, and the silence endured the mistreatment of the East by the West. Miss Fatima was, in fact, one of the fiercest critics of the government’s neglect towards East Pakistan, so much so, when her good conscious couldn’t allow it anymore, she broke the silence.
READ MORE: Mr Khan, keep your Naya Pakistan to yourself
“The Big Stick” The Times called her as white-haired Miss Jinnah, 71, the candidate of five usually disunited opposition parties, entered the arena facing the powerful dictator Ayub Khan. Thousands over thousands chanted Jinnah’s name once again as Miss Fatima’s razor-tongued attacks on Ayub’s illegitimate reign left the authorities in utter shock. The eastern city of Dhaka cried END TO DICTATORSHIP as students enthusiastically proclaimed Miss Jinnah Week and in Karachi, Pakistan’s largest city, unrest forced the government to close all the schools indefinitely. Miss Jinnah’s sentiments saw the legal community come into one as well and when they did, they were quickly denounced by Ayub as “mischief-mongers.” In reply, the Karachi Bar Association overwhelmingly adopted a resolution urging “the party in power to get rid of the notion that wisdom, righteousness and patriotism are the monopoly of their yes men.” The media, for once, also refused to follow the dictator’s orders and the usually complaisant newspapers editors defied the regime’s attempts to make them endorse a restrictive new press law. Ayub soon started regretting ever calling the elections in the first place and on the other hand, Miss Jinnah was never stronger. It is often said, and advised, never to tackle a tiger into a corner for when the tiger stings, and it will, the hunter becomes the hunted. And Pakistan had found her tiger in Miss Jinnah.
In no time, Miss Jinnah had Ayub running scared for after six years of insisting that Pakistanis were not ready for democracy, Miss Jinnah’s fierce campaign had only shown Ayub that he was the only one not ready for it. Miss Jinnah had managed to focus every form of discontent in the country and political gurus predicted the election was hers. To brake her bandwagon, Ayub abruptly decreed that elections would be held January 2, instead of March, as originally scheduled. Explaining lamely that the situation is “a little tense,” the government also rescinded a law specifying that political rallies must be open to the public. And when it didn’t work, Ayub, as uniformed cowards do, set out to portray Miss Jinnah as pro-Indian and pro-Pakhtoonistan. Dozens of columnists were paid to paint Miss Jinnah in colors of blue and saffron. In one pamphlet, Miss Jinnah was accused of conspiring against Pakistan alongside Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan by trying to establish Pakhtoonistan and in another episode, full page government ads claimed “Miss Fatima Jinnah was greeted in Peshawar with the slogans of ‘Pukhtoonistan Zindabad.’”
At closed meetings with groups of electors, Ayub answered practical questions sensibly enough, but kept lashing out at the opposition with growing anger. “They call her the Mother of the Nation,” sniffed Ayub. “Then she should at least behave like a mother.” For Ayub, well-behaved women didn’t make history.
Despite the usual dirty tricks, Miss Jinnah marched on. To Ayub’s claim that he was trying to develop “basic democracy,” Miss Jinnah replied: “What sort of democracy is that? One man’s democracy? Fifty persons’ democracy?” As for Ayub’s charge that the country would revert to chaos if he was defeated, his rival snapped: “You can’t have stability through compulsion, force and the big stick.”
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The stage was set. It was the great Miss Jinnah against a field marshal who had never won a war, a president who was never elected, and an army chief only because his superiors had died in an air crash. Not in a thousand years could Ayub overtake Miss Jinnah but he did, anyway. Miss Jinnah lost the election amid allegations of mass rigging. Her only mistake was that she endured in silence.
And so did Pakistan. First, by perpetuating military rule, its democracy suffered. Ayub had given the armed forces a right, so much so, a privilege to rule the country. The army began to think that it was their duty and responsibility to take over the country whenever they thought right. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, a prominent figure in Ayub’s government, was only the first politician used and thrown away by the army.
East Pakistan, which gave Miss Jinnah a spectacular welcome and where Miss Jinnah secured an astounding victory in the polls would be condemned to the most brutal blood and gore just seven years later, tearing the country in two. Bengalis had dominated Miss Jinnah’s electoral alliance. It is now left for us to wonder what could have been, had they been given their say. And let’s not forget that East Pakistan’s situation was much like KPK’s today: Bengali rights groups were only ever addressed with a stick and abuses, their rallies were censored, their foreheads carved with the words ‘traitor,’ and their houses searched and ripped apart in the dark of the night.
In Karachi, where the Urdu-speaking community came out for Miss Jinnah in droves and where, like East Pakistan, Miss Jinnah had swept the city, the voters were rewarded by a ‘victory parade’ led by Ayub’s goons. They were beaten red and blue, their houses raided, and their places of work destroyed and sealed. Karachi soon erupted in ethnic rioting that saw over thirty dead. It would be the first of many.
The aftershocks of Miss Jinnah’s rigged defeat against the tyrant Ayub are still felt to this day. Pakistan and her people have suffered greatly because of one man’s greed but all hope is not lost. By not forgetting Miss Fatima’s struggle against dictator Ayub and by revisiting Miss Jinnah’s fierce campaign against him, we, as a nation, can learn from our mistakes and flourish.
A dictatorship, a puppet government, or a selected one can never be healthy for a young nation’s growth.
About the writer: Shahzaib Awan currently heads the Bisouv Publications and House of Entremuse Media Group. He’s an ex-Aitchisonian and is currently studying Computer Science at Jacobs University, Germany.
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